
Over at The Debate Link, David, discussing the kidnapping of BBC reporter Alan Johnston, writes:
An interesting article in the UK’s Telegraph asks what the media would do had Israeli forces, rather than Palestinians, abducted a BBC crew. Suffice to say, media coverage would be rather different.
Well, the phrase “Israeli forces” usually refers to Israel’s armed forces, part of the Israeli government. I would hope that if the Israeli government kidnapped a journalist, media coverage would be rather different, compared to the coverage of an obscure terrorist splinter group kidnapping a journalist. These are two very different news stories, and they shouldn’t be treated alike.
And they aren’t treated alike — but not in the way David is implying. Judging from the article David approvingly links to, David expects that the press would pay more attention to, and be more condemning of, Israeli forces kidnapping a reporter. David provides not a single fact or example to support this belief.
So what would happen? For a start, when Israeli forces kidnap a journalist, no one calls it a kidnapping: it’s called an “arrest.”
Palestinian journalist, Awad Rajoub, a reporter for Al Jazeera’s Arabic-language Web site was held by Israeli authorities for close to six months [in 2006] after being accused by the military of “threatening state security.” Rajoub was arrested on 30 November 2005, at which time his computer and mobile phone were seized. He was released on 24 May after an Israeli court ruled there was insufficient evidence to send him to trial.
Rajoub, who also writes for the Qatari-based Al-Sharq newspaper and the Islam Online Web site, said that he was beaten during his detention.
I did a Nexis search and found that in the two months following his arrest, Rajoub was mentioned exactly twice in major newspapers; neither mention was over 150 words, and neither mention was at all disapproving of Israel’s action.
In contrast, Nexis found 248 mentions of “Alan Johnston” in conjunction with “Gaza” in the two months following Johnston’s kidnapping. These stories are far longer and more substantive than the stories about Rajoub’s arrest, and are not written in neutral terms (nor should they have been). For example, the Washington Post’s story on April 13, 2007 bore the headline: “Hundreds Rally for Captive Reporter; International Effort Mounted for BBC Journalist Abducted a Month Ago in Gaza Strip.”
Contrary to David’s expectations, it’s clear that the press is far more interested and far more critical when a Palestinian terrorist group kidnaps a journalist than when the Israeli army does.
I’m sure that some folks will be quick to point out that there is “no moral equivalence,” as they say, between the Israeli army jailing a journalist for six months and the terrorists who are holding Alan Johnson, because with the Israelis, there is a possibility of a court looking at a case. I am happy to agree the Israeli system of kidnapping journalists is morally superior to terrorism, however, so please leave that particular strawman in peace.
More importantly, I’d argue that the moral equivalence David implies between “Palestinians” and “Israeli forces” doesn’t exist either. To quote Pendantry:
Now, remind me, exactly how many troops does the Palestinian army have? Oh yeah, none whatsoever.
There is a very simple notion in political science, one that goes back to Max Weber: A state possesses, by definition, a monopoly on the legitimate use of violence, and it protects that monopoly. When a state is unable to protect that monopoly, it isn’t a state. There is no Palestinian state, and a non-existent state can not have a monopoly on violence.[...]
However, it seems that there are quite a few people who seem to think that “the Palestinians” are responsible for terrorism, and that making concessions to them is giving in to terrorists. This article, for example, by an author who appears to suffer from the double stigma of being both a Likudnik and a Randroid, suffers from this sort of thinking. It is just like believing that “the Jews” control the banks. This kind of thinking derives not so much from a false belief as from a confusion between ontological categories.
To explain this, I need to talk a bit about the basic theory of collectives. Margaret Thatcher once said that there is no such thing as society. She was right, although unsurprisingly for all the wrong reasons. Society does not possess the ability to have mental states, goals, intentions or to undertake cognition. Society is just a collection of people.
Any bunch of things can be a collection. Collections may not have clear definitions. They may be fuzzy or ambiguous. They need not be Aristotelian sets. The Americans are a collection. The Israelis are a collection. The Jews are a collection. I need not be able to identify precisely who is an American, an Israeli or a Jew to identify those things as collections. I just need to assert that there is more than one person or thing that is American, Israeli or Jewish.
Collections are not entities capable of cognition or coherent action. They do not plan, consider possibilities, have needs or goals, or take responsibility for things. There are, however, groups that can have needs and goals, that can plan, undertake cognition and take purposeful actions. They are called collectives.
Firms, armies, states, governments, unions, churches, clubs and many other kinds of groups are collectives. They can be identified as collectives because they can be recognised as having needs, goals, and intentions, a capacity for cognition, and the ability to undertake coherent, meaningful action. Collectives can, therefore, be responsible for the actions they undertake. Collections can not. [...]
Now, this is the key point of this whole post: The Palestinians are a collection, and are therefore incapable of being responsible for terrorism. Hamas is a collective. Fatah is a collective. Al-Qaeda is a collective. They are capable of bearing collective responsibility for terrorism. The Palestinians are not.
That is why there is no moral equivalency between Israel and the Palestinians. Israel is a collective. It is an entity capable of cognition, intentional action and responsibility. The actions of the IDF, the state of repression that prevails in the West Bank and Gaza - Israel is responsible for those things, whether justified or not. The Palestinians, because they are not a collective, are not responsible for terrorism, even when it is undertaken in their name by some collective entity.
The Palestinians are not even a member of the same category as Israel, and thus no moral equivalency is possible.
It’s tragic that a terrorist group kidnapped Johnston, but attributing the acts of a terrorist group to “Palestinians” is inaccurate, unfair and bolsters the worldview of anti-Palestinian racists. (If someone said that “the Jews were caught trying to blow up the al-Aqsa Mosque,” that would be be wrong for similar reasons; the Makhteret is a Jewish terrorist group, but it doesn’t follow that Makhteret’s acts can be fairly attributed to “Jews”).
David seems to think that “Palestinians” (his phrase) are getting off light in the press compared to “Israeli forces,” but his own chosen example shows that the reverse is true. Israel is, by and large, given a pass by the mainstream press when they kidnap arrest reporters. This is opposite of how the press should act. It’s legitimate to expect the Israeli government (or any government) to act with much greater moral decency than a terrorist group; and the press should be willing to hold governments to higher standards, and to make it a big deal when a government stoops to arresting reporters. Too many of Israel’s supporters seem to suggest that it’s wrong (or even anti-semitic) to expect Israel to act better than the scummiest governments and terrorist groups in the world. I disagree.
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By the way, David also linked to a good Martha Fineman Nussbaum essay arguing “Against Academic Boycotts.” Fineman Nussbaum makes a good case that academic boycotts are both useless and morally dubious.